The Bipartisan War on Science

Any reader who – like me – has a masochistic tendency to peruse through The Australian from time to time might have noticed a series of reports over the last few months about weather data inaccuracies in Goulburn. The Environment Editor Graham Lloyd reported in August that the temperature near Goulburn was slightly colder than a reading from the Bureau of Meteorology (BoM)’s nearby weather monitoring station. As Lloyd reports, a vigilant local ‘bush meteorologist’ named Lance Pidgeon knew it was cold “because his cold water pipes froze” and then, when he went to check the BoM website, he noticed the temperature had plunged to minus 10.4 degrees celcius, but then: “the temperature recording on BoM’s website adjusted itself to minus 10C”. According to Lloyd, this has left BoM “open to claims that it is working to ensure the dominant narrative of rising temperatures due to climate change remains intact”.

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Here is a weather monitoring station. It’s probably not the one near Goulburn. (credit: Fringe2013)

Let’s tease out the implications of Lloyd’s inference that there is a conspiracy at work here; apparently the theory of human induced climate change is reliant on two weather monitoring stations near Goulburn and Cooma which have been deliberately modified to not go below minus 10C. Presumably, if the news got out that the temperature near Goulburn was, in fact, half a degree lower than minus 10C at some point in August 2017, the International Panel on Climate Change’s Assessment Reports would crumble into irrelevance. Or perhaps Lloyd is inferring it’s not just the weather monitoring station near Goulburn. Maybe climate scientists across the world have agreed to artificially limit the cold readings on all their weather monitoring stations and it’s just that other countries don’t have someone with the investigative zeal of Lance Pidgeon to expose the charade. Either way, it’s hard to avoid the sense that, on the spectrum of climate change climate conspiracies, the Conspiracy Of The Tampered Weather Station Near Goulburn is so self evidently whacky it makes the needle on the Climate Conspiracy Monitoring Station explode.

For those who acknowledge the overwhelming consensus of experts in climate science, it can be hard to comprehend the psychological process by which the environment editor of a nationally syndicated newspaper can entertain the notion that the veracity of climate change research is premised on a conspiracy involving altering of a couple of weather stations in New South Wales. The psychological disconnect is generally interpreted through the prism of the War on Science waged by the Right – particularly since the rise of Trump – whereby objective facts are given less value or emphasis than emotions or values due to a proudly defiant ignorance. The War of Science goes hand in hand with the theory of Fake News, and relies on the psychological premise of rather stupid individuals being hoodwinked by media puppet masters who are financially invested in the economic status quo.

The psychology of climate change denialism (at this point, it’s not skepticism) can perhaps be better be understood not as part of a modern populist attack on objectivity, but instead as part of a historical and bipartisan tradition of attacking claims to objectivity that are perceived to conflict with existing political values. As the columnist for The Australian Maurice Newman once wrote, the theory of climate change “is about a new world order under the control of the U.N”. For Newman: if the science of human-induced climate change is accurate, it would necessarily conflict with his political values regarding the virtue of capitalism. Therefore, to fend off the attack on capitalism without having to defend capitalism or contend with Sir Nicholas Stern’s comment that climate change is the “greatest market failure the world has ever seen”, he disputes the validity of climate change. The science is wrong ergo the political values are correct.

When seen from this perspective, the psychology of climate change denialism should be a lot easier for those on the Left to comprehend because it mirrors the strategy taken in relation to the area of science most widely disputed by progressives: the biological underpinnings of gender. The prevailing view in most progressive circles is orientated around the notion that there are no behavioral differences between the sexes that don’t arise from social conditioning. I’m not as interested in challenging this doctrine in this article as I am in examining why it is is so strongly held by the Left (although if you want to read some good responses to the theory, there’s a great recent article by Ben Gleeson at Homer and a great (relatively long) recorded debate about gender and science between Steven Pinker and Elizabeth Spelke).

If differences between genders could be established at the level of biology, it is feared that this could ‘justify’ gender inequality and mistreatment of people based on their gender identity. As Ben Gleeson succinctly presents the argument: “for decades now, political progressives have fought, rightly, to establish a constructivist view of sex and gender… as such, it may seem that biological perspectives would only promote a regressive, perhaps offensive or even oppressive viewpoint.” The notion however that a biological fact could imply or justify a particular moral or political value is known as the Naturalistic Fallacy. This fallacy, as described by the cognitive psychologist Steven Pinker, is the belief that what is found in nature is morally good. The fallacy is what drives arguments such as: nature designed men to be competitive, therefore women should stay at home and nurture children. The implicit connection of what *is* and what *ought* to be often drives progressives to adopt the Moralistic Fallacy in response – that what is morally good must be found in nature. The Moralistic Fallacy is the logical basis for the assumption that, in order to defend the notion that men and women should be treated equally, we must believe that there are no innate biological differences between them.

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Not entirely sure why this mandelbrot image came up when I googled “naturalistic fallacy” but it’s quite nice (credit)

To illustrate this logic, imagine if a body of biological research released tomorrow proved indisputably that men and women are fundamentally different in terms of psychology. According to the logic of the Naturalistic Fallacy, we would therefore be morally obliged to treat men and women differently. Because of the inherent unpalatibility of this moral consequence – particularly for those with memories of the atrocities motivated by Social Darwinism and eugenics – there would be pushback. According to the logic of the Moralistic Fallacy however, this pushback would have to take the form of claiming that: because people *ought* to be treated equally, there *are* no innate genetic differences.

So to defend the principle of equality on this basis, progressives would be motivated to uncover some deeper basis on which this new research is fundamentally wrong. Maybe the scientists who developed it are closet MRAs. Maybe the Lance Pidgeon of the Left would discover that a piece of equipment from the research had been potentially tampered with and The Guardian would dutifully report this discovery prominently as proof the whole experiment was a conspiracy. After all, when a particular moral value is premised so heavily on a particular scientific fact being true or not, the temptation to become armchair experts and dispute the science is not simply tempting, it is morally correct.

Through this prism, we can see that there isn’t so much a War on Science as there is a war on the very specific areas of science that conflict with the political values of certain segments of society. There isn’t a War on Theoretical Physics, for example, because no one’s political values are built on String Theory being true or not, so we are happy to cede to the experts (although, one might recall, when there were a lot of political and moral values embedded in the validity of Aristotlean Physics in the 16th and 17th centuries, the challenges to that theory were convicted of heresy and put to death or imprisoned).

An acknowledgement of the Naturalistic and Moralistic Fallacies does not necessarily make the task of convincing climate denialists of the importance of tackling climate change any easier, but it does give clues about what tactics may work better than others. We can be relatively confident, for example, that presenting further proof of the veracity of climate change would not have any effect. Perhaps instead a strategy that promotes the utility of renewable energy not on the basis of climate science but by playing to the conservative moral value of individual self reliance would have a greater impact? After all, a majority of Coalition voters support a 50% renewable energy target and 40% of rooftop solar installations occurred in rural and regional Australia.

The War on (climate/gender) Science is therefore best comprehended as a war of political values pursued through other means. We may never win over the Graham Lloyds and Lance Pidgeons of all the world but if we can successfully appeal to the moral values their readers abide by, we can be assured that the number of climate science conspiracies asserted in major newspapers will plummet.

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When Obama accidentally saved neoliberalism

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You remember him (Photo credit)

It has been almost a decade since the most spectacular economic crisis of the last half century – the Global Financial Crisis (GFC). In approximately a fortnight, it will be exactly nine years since the collapse of the major American bank Lehmann Brothers (which constituted the most dramatic event of the crisis) put into perspective the extent to which the entire global financial system was at risk of collapsing. What is particularly striking about this historical event is that it could have constituted the beginning of a new era of political dominance for the Left but, due to the political miscalculations made in the immediate following months by leaders such as Barack Obama, it can in retrospect be seen as the beginning point for the rise of the populist Right, culminating in Donald Trump’s 2016 election victory.

The GFC demonstrated in dramatic fashion the extent to which the global banking system (including the credit rating agencies) was incapable of governing itself. The event seemed to my eyes (as, at that time, a first year uni student) to also present an opportunity for a new political era. The GFC provided solid empirical evidence that the doctrines of neoliberalism and free-market economics constituted an inherently flawed framework for administering economies in a globalised world. This was, after all, not a crisis caused by an unpredictable external event like a war, but rather was fundamentally inherent to the system itself.

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The Lehman Brothers bankruptcy was the largest in US history (photo credit)

The free-market advocates appeared to have been defeated and voters would consequently be won over by the inherent value of social democratic parties (who prioritised the importance of intervention and regulation of economic markets). My confidence in this outcome was reinforced by the knowledge that, by the end of 2008, the Democrats controlled the US Congress, Senate and the Presidency. It felt like the beginning of a new era.

If future-me was to tell uni-student me that, only two years later, the Republicans would recapture a majority in the Congress and that, in a further eight years, they would control the Congress, Senate AND be led by a President Donald Trump, I would have assumed future-me had become insane. Considering the way that the Global Financial Crisis had played out  – how could this outcome have occurred?

In retrospect, it’s clear that much of the responsibility for the resurgence of neoliberalism and the emergence of right wing populism across the Western world lies at the feet of Barack Obama. Indeed, it’s striking how little criticism the former US President attracts from the Left for his strategic errors and political misjudgement in the immediate aftermath of the crisis.

Obama, at the direction of his (heavily Wall Street connected) Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, implemented two key responses. The first was a program where the Government purchased the ‘toxic’ worthless loans (ie. the mortgages that couldn’t be paid) from the banks. The second was to implement an $800 billion stimulus program to make up for the huge loss in economic demand (and jobs) caused by the banking crisis.

To be fair, these actions did much to prevent the ensuing recession from becoming a depression (although some economists had argued that the stimulus package was far too small to adequately stabilise the economy). However, the true shortcoming of this approach was that it only addressed the technical aspects of the crisis. This economic focus was, of course, necessary, but it was not sufficient. The political issues presented by the GFC relate to the question of how to pursue justice for the taxpayers that had bailed out the banks and for the people who had lost their jobs. These political issues were not properly dealt with by the Obama Administration and the consequences have reverberated ever since.

There was a fundamental need on Obama’s part to articulate a political narrative of the crisis that illustrated the moral failings of the banking industry and compelled the financial sector to demonstrate meaningful contrition. This was a period in history where the financial class had not only required being bailed out by the taxpayers due to a failure to adequately do their jobs, but the broader public were the ones being punished for it through job losses and wage stagnation. The capacity for this crisis to tear divisions through different sections of American society (as with much of the rest of Western society) was almost inevitable. Accordingly, it was not a time for the language of compromise, stability and unity (which was Obama’s preferred political vernacular) but a time where fingers needed to be pointed and justice had to be seen to be delivered.

Obama’s failure to demand justice is personified in a memorable quote he delivered to a room full of banking CEOs in the months following the crisis: “My administration” he told them, “is the only thing between you and pitchforks.” An obvious question, both at the time and with the benefit of hindsight was; why stand between them? This is not to advocate for actual violence or the sacrifice of economic recovery for the sake of political scalps, but rather to point out that, despite the huge damage the GFC unleashed on millions of lives, no one has ever faced criminal charges. The Obama Administration’s willingness to act as a shield for the banks allowed the public to develop the impression that the state and the banks were one in the same.

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A great orator without a great narrative (photo credit)

Obama could have demanded that the bankers resign or at the least pledge to rescind any future bonuses for a number of years. He could have requested the Department of Justice investigate members of the banking industry for criminal culpability (even if no laws had been technically broken, the message sent to the public would have been clear). These actions should have been communicated through journalists, but also delivered in major public addresses to hallrooms packed with the crowds of grass-root supporters he had amassed in the 2008 election.

It is almost certain that large sections of the Democrat Party (let alone the Republicans) would have been moved to criticise his response as populist and unhelpful and it is similarly likely journalists would have criticised his actions for causing division in his political party. As we have seen from Trump and Bernie Sanders in taking on their respective political parties in 2016 however, this would have been a savvy political move. The public would have been able to see Obama as distinct from both the political and financial establishment that they were so justifiably suspicious of.

An immediate consequence of addressing the policy-side of the banking collapse without balancing it with a demand for justice was that other figures took the opportunity to nominate villains and point the finger. Most famously, CNBC reporter Rick Santelli delivered a fiery TV interview from the floor of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange blaming poor people who took on mortgages that they couldn’t afford on the one hand, and the Federal Government for “rewarding their bad behaviour” on the other hand.

Santelli’s neoliberal framing of the issue might seem spurious, but it fit with the prevailing narratives about free markets that had informed US politics up to that point and, in the absence of a moralistic counter-narrative from the Obama Administration, it was the only real narrative on offer. The Santelli interview is now seen a major step towards the emergence of the populist right Tea Party Movement which directly led to the Republicans retaking Congress in the 2010 midterm elections.

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There’s basically no images of Rick Santelli labelled for re-use, so here’s an image of the CNBC instead (photo by Kevin Action)

It is certainly possible that no amount of advocacy from Obama could have prevented this outcome in a country wedded to certain notions of free enterprise, but, based on the comments of a President who apparently saw his role as standing between the banking executives and the “pitchforks” of the public, it is also clear that he never really tried. As the writer David Bromwich observed of Obama early in his presidency, he tended to adopt a technocratic position of assuming that his actions would justify themselves: “He expected a gratitude he did not get. His choice of tactics could never have been easy to explain in a climate where so many bankers survived and so many ordinary people lost their homes and jobs.”

From this point on, the Left had lost the capacity to frame the debate and we have seen the following ten years characterised by austerity and the rapid growth of the far Right and nativist politics. It is only recently, through such figures as Jeremy Corbyn, Bernie Sanders and Jean Luc Melenchon that we are seeing the revival of Left political movements advocating for a larger role for government in society. Indeed, it is notable that these individuals couch their arguments in highly moralistic language that identifies specific culprits for the prolonged recession and subsequent wage stagnation that have characterised the last ten years.

To point out Obama’s political errors in the aftermath of the GFC is not to discount the fact that he was a savvy and talented politician. One cannot help but think however, that his brand of soaring rhetoric and progressive technocratism would have made him the perfect candidate in a 1996 or 2000 election when economic growth was consistently high and advocacy for a major program such as healthcare reform would have been consequently easier to make. Indeed, one can only imagine how valuable Obama’s relatively measured decision-making processes might have been in the immediate aftermath of September 11.

On this ninth anniversary of the GFC however, as the prospect of at least four years of a Trump Administration remains and populist movements across the globe show no sign of declining, we can see that Obama was not the right person for the times in which he found himself. While, in retirement, Obama is still largely feted by the Left and retains a ‘cool guy’ persona (which other figure on the Left could receive such a warm reception while kite-surfing with Richard Branson?) it is likely that history will see him as one of the primary factors in why the Left failed to capitalise on the event that posed the greatest threat to the primacy of neoliberalism in a generation.

Fake news and ‘post-truth’

Following the unexpected victories of the Leave campaign in the Brexit referendum and Donald Trump in the US election, media commentators have been scrambling for an explanation. The search for an explanation stems from both the unexpectedness of the results and the fact that it took place despite the overwhelming majority of major media publications recommending against it.

A prevailing explanation across many parts of the media and political spectrum is that the results were largely driven by the phenomena of ‘fake news’. Some major examples include one of the central claims of the Brexit Leave Campaign – that 350 million is sent to the European Union every week (which, as The Guardian has written, does not stand up to the facts. The New York Times has written about “Fake News Sausage Factories” based in Eastern European countries churning out deliberately fake pro-Trump news stories with the purpose of influencing the US election.

I do not seek to dispute the veracity of the investigative journalism in the above articles or deny that there are partisans who are self-consciously propagating factually incorrect stories. What I am interested in however is the notion that ‘post-truth’ is a relatively new concept and the implicit assumption of many articles decrying fake news – and, indeed, of most mainstream media publications – that, had those fake stories not existed and people were instead exposed to ‘real news’, they would not have voted either for Brexit or for Trump.

To appreciate why this is a poor prism through which to understand the changes that have taken place in the media landscape over the last few years, it is worth asking not why people find ‘fake news’ believable, but rather why the value of ‘objective facts’ – and, by extension, fact-checking – has plummeted in public discourse.

The focus on fake news perhaps reached its zenith with the Oxford English Dictionary announcing ‘post-truth’ as its 2016 Word of the Year – which it defines as “circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief.”

However, the real question is why Oxford English Dictionary might have waited until 2016 to declare it the word of the year, when the process of ‘objective facts’ being subsumed into ‘emotion and personal belief’ has been gathering momentum for decades.

Take, for example, the phenomena of human-induced climate change. This is a process which has been established to a high degree of certainty since the early 1990s. It has been the overwhelming consensus of national scientific organisations and reflected in each of the United Nations International Panel on Climate Change reports. The scientific nature of the issue was also expressed in economic terms in the landmark 2006 Stern Review, which found that “the benefits of strong and early action far outweigh the economic costs of not acting.” If there is any public policy issue that has significant expert consensus (and would therefore meet the articulated standard of ‘objective fact’), it is Anthropogenic Climate Change.

Despite this, significant sections of the media and political class have never truly accepted its veracity. From right-leaning media organisations who reject it outright to organisations such as the ABC and BBC who have in effect downplayed the issue through the promotion of ‘false balance’ in its reporting.

Climate change ‘critiques’ sometimes take the form of disproportionate coverage of a tiny minority of scientist ‘climate skeptics’ (usually from outside the field of climate science). More often however, climate science is rejected on the basis that the scientists are biased by their desire to implement communism or, more typically, through a vague religious devotion to environmentalism or groupthink. While this line of attack appears in all the usual suspect right wing media outlets, it is perhaps noteworthy that it also came from Bret Stephens from the New York Times – a reporter and newspaper which sees itself as a vanguard against the ‘war on truth’ just earlier this year, in his article warning against “overweening scientism” in the climate change debate.

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The NY Times’ insufferably sanctimonious advertisment – photo credit

Given the extent to which major media publications across the political spectrum have promoted the idea that public science institutions (originally established to provide objective policy guidance on issues requiring scientific-expertise) are either incompetent or motivated by political bias, it should not come as a shock that populist political leaders extend that critique to other institutions with ease.

That task has undoubtedly been made easier by the fact that many prestigious economic institutions have allowed themselves to be drawn into politics. The US Federal Reserve, through its former chairman Alan Greenspan promoted a vision of economic management that had significant consequences in terms of defining the policy options of governments (through, for example, a deference to market-based solutions to public policy issues). Following the Global Financial Crisis (GFC), he was forced to admit that he had put too much faith in the self-correcting power of free markets. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) was at the forefront of the post-GFC push to implement austerity policies in countries such as Greece to boost “market confidence.” In 2013, the IMF admitted these policies had not worked and instead resulted in a “deeper than expected” recession.

In an era where scientific institutions have been discredited for political ends and economic institutions, through their political ends, have discredited themselves, is it any surprise that significant sections of the public identify with the now-famous observation that “people have had enough of experts”?

The dilution and politicisation of objectivity explains why ‘fake news’ as a phenomena is not going anywhere and why many of the proposed antidotes are likely to fail. The interest in Facebook fake news filters or greater proliferation of ‘fact-check’ articles, for example, assumes that there is an organisation or set of statistics that somehow floats above the political partisan debate – but the media have, over the past few decades, methodically dismantled any such possibility.

In light of the above, it seems that the only difference between the ‘fake news’ of the past few years and the fake news of the past few decades is that traditional media organizations have lost their gatekeeper status and monopoly on its dissemination. The major media publications may not like the fact that Trump denies ‘objective facts’ but he is only taking advantage of a phenomena that they have created.

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Many thanks to the BBC for debunking this fake news story before something serious happened. photo credit

The trope of the Ex-Muslim Native Informant

On 25 June 2017, a group of LGBTQI+ rights activists of Muslim background took part in the Toronto Pride March and marched through the streets carrying posters focusing on homophobia in majority Muslim countries such as Iran. As they tried to march, a number of progressive activists (from Antifa Toronto among others) formed a circle around the group, accused them of Islamophobia and prevented them from marching. A comment from one of the Antifa members succinctly summarised the cause of their grievance: “anti-Muslim racists look at you guys and they are enboldened.” (the video can be found here)

Whilst the Toronto Police eventually intervened and allowed their march to go ahead, the incident reflects a growing trend within progressive circles to accuse Muslims (including secular, ex and atheist) of ‘Islamophobia.’

Other recent examples include the gleeful response to the news that Ayaan Hirsi Ali was cancelling her talk in Australia last April and the decision by the Southern Poverty Law Centre to designate the UK writer Maajid Nawaz – who identifies as Muslim – as an “anti-Muslim extremist.

The Left critiques of secular and ex-Muslims usually takes two forms. The first could be described as the Useful Idiot argument. It centres on the notion that the ex-Muslims are unable to realise that their critiques of Islam validate and embolden the arguments of right wing reactionaries and racists which ultimately works against their own interests. This is the tack taken by the Antifa Toronto activist at the LGTBQI+ activists, as quoted above.

The second form (directed more commonly at figures such as Ms Hirsi Ali and Maajid Nawaz) takes the form of the ‘native informant’ argument. The native informant is a concept originally developed by Franz Fanon to refer to a “Black Subject” who “will try to appropriate and imitate the culture of the coloniser.” In contemporary use, it is a racial slur* directed at Muslims who are assumed to be selling out their ethnic community by expressing an opinion (purely for personal financial gain) which is assumed to validate the assumptions of right wing reactionaries and racists.

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Maajid Nawaz (photo credit)

To understand how we have arrived at a point where anti-racist campaigners are accusing non-white intellectuals and academics of racism, we have to explore the framework through which we perceive diversity and multiculturalism to operate within society.

In any critique of the Left’s approach to race issues, it is important to note that it is well-intentioned. We can safely assume that the Left critique comes from a desire to inclusively accept different cultural practises and non-white people (as opposed to a Right critique which comes from a desire to enforce a monoculture and exclude all others). It’s also reasonable to assume that the LGBTQI+ activists of a Muslim background want a world free of racism (I assume that even Ms Hirsi Ali’s most vigorous critiques on the Left would accept that she does desire an end to racism). It can be established therefore that ‘we’ want the same outcome – the disagreements center on how we get there.

The conflict over how to reach a racism-free outcome is ultimately dependent on the framework through which one believes society is structured and that political change can be implemented. The British academic Kenan Malik has argued that the belief that a particular member of a minority can ‘betray’ their commnunity by acting as a ‘native informant’ requires an attachment to a particular political framework which can be termed ‘multiculturalism’. In this argument, it’s very important to distinguish the lived experience of multiculturalism whereby one encounters diversity and lives in a cosmopolitan society (which is obviously a good thing) from multiculturalism as a political process where policies are designed and implemented in an attempt to “institutionalise diversity.”

Conceiving of society as the sum of a range of different cultural groups living harmoniously has many advantages for the Left in that it establishes the principle that communities that constitute a minority in a particular society have an inherent right to live in the West. Furthermore, it is a useful response to the common refrain from the Right that migrants should “assimilate”.

The disadvantages however – especially for those who are ‘minorities within minorities’ – are also evident. A view of society dependent on cultural rights leads to a view of minority communities as distinct, ‘authentic’, homogeneous and bounded with interests that can be represented by a community representative or even ‘leader’. As a consequence, conflicts and diversity within a community are not noticed or are actively downplayed. Through this framework, the treatment of the Muslim LGBTQI+ activists in Toronto and Ms Hirsi Ali is justified as these individuals are – in some way – seen to be betraying their community’s interests by taking a position that is contrary to the majority.

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Ayaan Hirsi Ali (photo credit)

As Malik notes, the problematic consequences of this view of multiculturalism do not result from an emphasis on diversity per se but rather from a reliance on “too rigid a notion of what diversity entails” which distorts “the right to be treated the same despite one’s differences of culture, ethnicity or faith to meaning the right to be treated differently because of them.”

So, how can a white person be a good ally not just to minority communities but to minorities within minorities? Being a good ally does not require one to believe Ms Hirsi Ali speaks for all Muslim women (has she ever claimed to?) but it does require one to acknowledge her right to speak for herself. Being a good ally does not require one to focus exclusively on homophobia in Muslim-majority countries, but it does require one to not block Muslim LGTBQI+ activists in the streets and imply they are too dumb to realise they are emboldening racists.

Indeed, rather than embolden racists, such acts may be have the opposite effect, as the acceptance of a plurality of views in minority communities can encourage the idea that one cannot judge a person’s political beliefs based on an assessment of their ethnic identity markers (just like how we do not assume two white people – say, Jeremy Corbyn and Tony Abbott – would agree on any particular issue because they have the same ethnic heritage).

Ultimately, any anti-racist campaign that seeks to cast secular or ex-Muslim activists as part of the problem is, at best, a regressive view of racial identity and, at its worst, a mirror reflection to the racial bigotry found on the far Right.

* it is worth noting there is nothing inherently racist about the idea as originally conceptualised and developed by Franz Fanon, however its contemporary use towards Muslims invariably is.